Number crunching: A Brexit democracy special

A major bugbear of the Leave Campaign during the recent EU referendum was their view that the EU was an undemocratic behemoth. Gove told us there were five EU presidents, all unelected. Of course, they ranged from the EU’s effective head of state (whilst we have a Queen) to the Speaker of the European Parliament (which would be weird to directly elect) and the President of the European Central Bank (which would be stupid to directly elect)

But no person drew more ire than Jean-Claude Jüncker, the Luxembourgish President of the European Commission. An unelected bureaucrat that nobody in Britain wanted! Of course, the Tories shied away from the fact that their strop from the European People’s Party in 2009 gave a lot of latitude to Angela Merkel to choose the European People’s Party spitzenkandidat.

Of course, irony would eat itself when Theresa May was declared our next presumptive prime minister without a ballot of Conservative members, let alone a general election. Of course, May herself was not happy when Gordon Brown did the same in 2007, but that’s for another day.

Today, I present some statistics for your convenience, to fully appreciate the post-Brexit democracy.

Election of the President of the European Commission:

  • Number of eligible voters: 751
  • Number of indirect votes for Jüncker: 38.6 million (28,014 in the UK)
  • Number of direct votes for Jüncker: 425
  • Number of Scottish votes for Jüncker: 2

Election of the Leader of the Conservative Party:

  • Number of eligible voters: 330
  • Number of votes for May: 199
  • Number of Scottish votes for May: 1

Comparative statistics:

  • Number of votes for Al Murray, the Pub Landlord, in 2015: 318
  • Number of nominations received by Gordon Brown in 2007: 313
  • Number of votes for Margaret Thatcher in the 1990 leadership election (first round): 204

I don’t know about you, but I’m personally very glad that we took back control of our democracy.

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What I said at the Lib Dem Autumn Conference 2015: On Human Rights

The afternoon after the trans motion passed unanimously, I was back on the Conference podium speaking in favour of human rights. This was to propose Calderdale’s amendment to the human rights motion putting party policy in favour of ratifying the Protocols to the European Convention of Human Rights that the UK hasn’t already.

The amendment originally called for the UK to also opt in to the applicability to the Charter of Fundamental Rights, until the party’s justice spokesman, Lord Jonathan Marks, told me that such a step would not be necessary to the Charter’s functioning in the country. Personally, I would also opt-in to many of the treaties the UK has opted out to – Schengen included – but that’s for another Conference. Find, below the cut, more porcine puns to appreciate:

Thank you, Lord Marks, and I accept your comments on the amendment.

I have a question for you, David Cameron: which human right do you object to? The right to life? The right of free speech? The right to not be tortured? Or are you upset that the wrong people are using them? Here’s the thing: human rights are universal. And frankly, instead of campaigning against them like you did in 2005, you owe those people who were subject to centuries of genocide their humanity back.

There is much to be disgruntled with the Tory majority government, but none so much as their pernicious attempt to destroy human rights. They claim that their renegotiation with the EU will bring home the bacon of more powers, it’s clear they won’t.

The United Kingdom should not be a fairweather friend to Europe. Securing opt-out after opt-out on issues does not make us look good and it does not make the EU look good.

We should not be ditching the European Convention on Human Rights. To do so would put us in the company of a tiny theocracy and a Stalinist dictatorship as the only European non-signatories to the Convention. When we lose our status in the world, Cameron will have to reap what he sows.

Without us in government, fighting the good fight for privacy rights and strong encryption – the best way to a girl’s heart – the Labservative plans for an Orwellian security state are laid bare. And in an act reminiscent of Napoleon in Animal Farm, the Tories have no problem using encryption themselves. But really, Dave, when Orwell wrote about “the creatures looking from man to pig, and pig to man”, and it being impossible to tell which was which – he didn’t mean it like that!

This amendment puts us on the absolute course in favour of human rights. We should be supporting more rights, like as Lord Marks said, the rights of the child. As long as the Convention exists, which we will hope shall be forever, we should go the whole hog, sign up to every line, word, and full stop. Thank you, Conference.

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What I said at the Lib Dem Autumn Conference 2015: On Trans Health

The second of four times I spoke at Lib Dem Conference last September was on the issue of the transgender and intersex health charter. As this motion debate happened the morning after news of the Prime Minister’s schoolboy antics regarding porcine necrophilia was broken, everyone in the Conference was dying to make jokes about it. Thankfully, this was the first motion of the day, so I was able to speak first on an uncontentious debate.

“The Government seek to safeguard the nature of marriage as an institution for opposite-sex couples. We do not believe that it is acceptable to create even a small category of same-sex marriages.”

That was David Lammy, the Minister for Constitutional Reform, speaking to the House of Commons on 25 May 2004, over the issue of allowing trans people in marriages to stay married. Our own Richard Younger-Ross called Labour’s policy “cruel and un-Christian”. The good doctor Evan Harris took it to a division and Labour imposed a three-line whip on the issue. The amendment fell 94–303. As a result, two hundred loving couples were forced to divorce so that they could access a right that the European Court of Human Rights forced Labour to provide, so that Labour could segregate gay people from history’s oldest and greatest social institution.

It’s easy to change your name. You can wake up one morning and decide to be called Daenerys Targaryen, and get that on your passport in a matter of days. But to change your gender? First you need to have been diagnosed with gender dysphoria – so if you’ve got some intersex condition, you’re out of luck. Then you need to be “living as your new gender” for two years. If you’ve had kids? You’re out of luck. Then you need to get permission from your spouse, if you have one. If you’re estranged, then you’re also out of luck. Then you pay £140 to beg a panel – which doesn’t need to have people qualified in trans issues sitting on it – to accept your application to change one letter on your documents.

This, we’re told, is normal. And even then, we’re not afforded the full rights that a cisgender person would be allowed. In equality law, it is explicitly legal to sack a trans person or refuse them access to single-sex services or sheltered accommodation. Corbyn’s Carriages, however well-intentioned they may be, might end up being a recipe for transphobic crime, especially if certain train-owning SNP donors who supported Section 28 have their way.

Sadly, this is not new when we’re talking about gender transition. The waiting, the costs, the jumping through hoops – we have to deal with that every time we go to the doctor. This is despite the NHS’s own guidelines saying that gender healthcare is subject to waiting time standards. In Newcastle, a patient being referred in 18 months time will need to wait 12 years for their first appointment. Not weeks. Not months. Years. As far as we know, that’s the longest NHS waiting list in the country.
This is not the fault of the clinics themselves; they literally don’t have the money. When PCT budgets were under threat, mental health, and with it gender healthcare, faced the cut first. Thank God we have Norman Lamb to push for parity of esteem.

For some people, though, it’s too late. On July 26th, Synestra de Courcy died just days before receiving a referral letter for NHS transition case. Faced with GPs obstructing her, she turned to sex work to afford her hormone replacement therapy. She was raped, robbed, and she turned to drug use to find solace, which ended up killing her. She was 23.

We just want the rights of everyone else. We want quick access to world-class health care, free at the point of service. We want to be free from discrimination. We want to be able to change our names and our genders without unnecessary bureaucracy. We want our friends who don’t identify completely as either male or female to be recognised. And we want our doctors to stop mutilating children just because their bodies look strange.

Lines 67, 68, and 108–111 talk about the unethical and unnecessary medical treatments performed by doctors and surgeons upon intersex children. Lines 75–83 talk about the right of non-binary and intersex people to access healthcare. As important as the whole motion is, these are incredibly important. Very few people in politics stand up for either community. The government even think that non-binary people don’t suffer any detriment despite not being covered by the Equality Act. I want to change that. I want us to be reactive to LGBTI+ equality. I want us to be a safe place for trans and intersex people to lobby for their rights. I want us to be the party of equality, now and forevermore.

We can’t rely on the other parties. Look at Labour, saying that only they can deliver equality, when their student wing actively tries to block representation so they can have Pizza Express. The Tories, with their ham-fisted attempts to claim credit for Lynne’s same-sex marriage bill while defending the spousal veto to the hilt. UKIP, the only employer to sack people for their beliefs on same-sex marriage. Or even the Greens, who will stand posh bigots target seats as long as they give the party a few thousand.

We are proud of being the only major party that fully supports human rights. This party has people in every part of this country willing to stand up for the most deprived people in society. Let us go forward, together, with a strong and concise message. Vote for this motion, so, as every membership card says, no-one shall be enslaved by poverty, ignorance, or conformity.
Thank you.

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What I said at the Lib Dem Autumn Conference 2015: On Agenda 2020

Hopefully, after this weekend, I’ll be more punctual in uploading these.

At the Liberal Democrat conference last September in Bournemouth, I was rather busy in the Conference Hall, moving one motion, one amendment, and one procedural motion; more on those later. But, before all that, I had the chance to make a contribution to the first of the party’s Agenda 2020 consultation sessions. I took such the option to speak on double discrimination and forging an intersectional approach.

I just want to talk about equality for a minute because I’ve spoken to loads of people and they always saw the Lib Dems as the party of equality – we had Jo, we had Julian, we had Lynne, and they were absolutely amazing and it’s a shame we lost all three of them in the election.

I actually want to see more work done on double discrimination because it’s not good enough to talk about equality like Labour do when they only talk about the equality of white middle class women; black women have more pressing concerns than white women, LBT women, and so forth.

As we saw in Liverpool back in March, during the mental health paper debate, we had about half the LGBT+ Lib Dem executive speak on that, so we need to talk about health inequalities are compounded by being LGBT, BME, or a woman, so we need to talk about not just discrimination on one axis, but discrimination on others or even all. That’s basically what I want to say there.

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A Labour leopard doesn’t change its spots

This post was originally published on Lib Dem Voice.

Don’t tell anyone, but George Osborne probably let out a sigh of relief when Baroness Manzoor’s fatal motion failed last night.

Of course, it was inevitable that Labour peers would rather bravely abstain on the cuts to tax credits, as their elected counterparts did in July. And Jeremy Corbyn is probably skating on thin ice, given that the scandal of Labour abstaining in July put him where he is today.

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The Women’s Equality Party: A Surveillance State in the name of Liberal Feminism

The Women’s Equality Party, the brainchild of Sandi Toksvig, officially launched to luvvie acclaim yesterday. But the cracks in the sheen were showing while the journalists were eating their canapés. Not only does their policy document not talk about trans women’ equality needs at all – a major omission given the two mainstream parties with comprehensive policy, one with developing policy, and one with a Select Committee – their policy on sex work came out with a left-field proposal nobody is seriously considering:

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What I said at the Lib Dem conference in Liverpool, Pt. 2: On Green Transport

Apologies for the massive delay in this post; I made a second speech at the Lib Dem conference in March, this time on the five green laws that formed one of the key planks of the manifesto. In particular, I spoke about the need for green transport. The speech is, as always, below the cut.

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Corbyn’s Carriages are a recipe for transphobia

Jeremy Corbyn raised the ire of many twitterati commentators on Monday when announcing his plans to consult women on women-only shelters. I generally agree with Lynne Featherstone on this issue: while his intentions are noble, the answer is not in segregating women, but in actually combatting the men who harass them. Women-only spaces are good only as a stop-gap until we create a society without latent sexism or other sorts of bigotry.

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Amnesty should support decriminalisation of sex work

This post was originally written for Lib Dem Voice.

This month, Amnesty International delegates will vote on a proposal to make decriminalisation of sex work a campaigning matter for the human rights organisation. This, understandably, has raised ire from many people, but none so large as parts of the feminist movement.

Just last week, we saw several Hollywood actors – ordinarily staunch allies of Amnesty’s work – sign an open letter promulgated by the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women calling for Amnesty to reject the policy. One notable signatory was Anne Hathaway, who received an Oscar two years ago for her portrayal of Fantine in Les Miserables.

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Breaking the Establishment

This post originally appeared on Lib Dem Voice.

“We stand up for the outsider instead of the establishment.”, Tim Farron said during the leadership rally last week. For party members who were rather discouraged by our missteps in coalition, that line gives us hope.

Our failings in the Coalition can be traced to one key fault: after speaking out against the establishment, we were seen to be now a part of it. There are so many bills that we extracted key concessions on, but we were not able to communicate that. How could we, after all? We were bound by Cabinet collective responsibility. But it was never designed to operate the way it did in coalition.

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